协同翻译（十六）：A Theory of Human Motivation, Maslow

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本期翻译的是心理学历史上一篇经典的论文。在心理学发展的过程中，偶尔会有一些概念得以超越学术界的讨论，跃入大众的语境中。Maslow（马斯洛）的 ”需求层次理论“ （hierarchy of needs）必须算是其中一个。
                
                
马斯洛（1908-1970），美国著名心理学家，以提出 hierarchy of needs 闻名。从这篇1943年的论文中，我们可以看到马斯洛当时思想的原貌。
此文章为豆友协同翻译而成，请勿做商业用途，未经允许禁止转载，违者必究！
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译者留言：
@峰哥何峰 这次翻译一篇经典的心理学论文 Maslow - A Theory of Human Motivation - 文章很长，加油！！
@阿顺 居然是pink..........要熄灯了嘤嘤嘤，还要写东西先撤了，大家加油！！
@猩猩君 正在用手机吭哧这是什么样的精神！ <-- 手机也能edit? (峰哥）安卓系统，用的ucweb，表示还不错。opera和系统自带浏览器都完败！谷歌可以么？chrome？我不知道。。反正我ipad里的chrome不行。安卓好像没有chrome吧？表示我准备看完全文就去睡了，手机屏幕太小了。明天再翻译吧。各加油！
@狄大人 第一次来。容老夫学习先。
@江大牛 马斯洛大爷又见你·····黄色撞到一块了都
@简里里 肿么大家都在围观……这次这篇大家好辛苦！
@寂静海 我以为我学过hierarchy of needs就能更轻松读懂这篇文章真是太天真了
@ailiilia 试手一下~
@肿眼泡大猫 第一次来，容我观摩观摩~
@肥猫殿 好长= =翻一段然后去睡个觉。。。
@微笑阳光 第一次翻译~跑来冒个泡~呼...好难翻啊..加油：） 最重要是 have fun 哈！
@Nemo 猩猩君太凶残了！ <- 我在线下见到@猩猩君 了！
@奶牛Denny Muuuu.
@周星星 哈哈，来留个纪念
@C.C. 试试
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A Theory of Human Motivation
A. H. Maslow (1943)
人类动机的理论
A. H. 马斯洛 (1943)
Originally Published in Psychological Review, 50, 370-396.
原文发布于 Psychological Review, 50, 370-396页
[p. 370]
I. INTRODUCTION
In a previous paper (13) various propositions were presented which would have to be included in any theory of human motivation that could lay claim to being definitive. These conclusions may be briefly summarized as follows:
【370页】
1、介绍
上一篇文章（13）列举了确凿的人类动机理论所囊括的各种前提条件。这些结论可概述如下：
1. The integrated wholeness of the organism must be one of the foundation stones of motivation theory.
1. 从完整的角度来考察一个生物，是提出任何动机理论的基础之一。
2. The hunger drive (or any other physiological drive) was rejected as a centering point or model for a definitive theory of motivation. Any drive that is somatically based and localizable was shown to be atypical rather than typical in human motivation.
2. 对于一个权威的动机理论来说，饥饿的动机（或者其他的生理动机）都不能被看作是理论的中心或是模型。任何出于肉体，并能在身体中明确定位的动机在人类的动机中，都不属典型。
3. Such a theory should stress and center itself upon ultimate or basic goals rather than partial or superficial ones, upon ends rather than means to these ends. Such a stress would imply a more central place for unconscious than for conscious motivations.
3.理论应该强调和将重心集中在根本的或者说基本的问题上而不是集中于问题的局部和表面，集中于目的而不是达到目的的手段上。这样的强调还应该隐含将重心更加偏向于无意识动机。@周星星
4. There are usually available various cultural paths to the same goal. Therefore conscious, specific, local-cultural desires are not as fundamental in motivation theory as the more basic, unconscious goals.
4.不同文化的思考方式常常都能有效的达到相同的目标。因此，相比更基本的、无意识的目标，意识形态的、具体的、当地文化使人产生的渴望都不能作为动机理论的基础。@周星星
5. Any motivated behavior, either preparatory or consummatory, must be understood to be a channel through which many basic needs may be simultaneously expressed or satisfied. Typically an act has more than one motivation.
5. 任何有动机的行为，无论是事前的还是事后的，一定被理解为一个通道，通过一些基本的需要来一齐地被表达或满足。通常一个行为不止一个动机。
6. Practically all organismic states are to be understood as motivated and as motivating.
6. 几乎所有的有机体的状态都被理解为被激励的和有动机的。
7. Human needs arrange themselves in hierarchies of pre-potency. That is to say, the appearance of one need usually rests on the prior satisfaction of another, more pre-potent need. Man is a perpetually wanting animal. Also no need or drive can be treated as if it were isolated or discrete; every drive is related to the state of satisfaction or dissatisfaction of other drives.
7. 人们需要在预效力的层次中安排自己。也就是说，某种需求的出现总在更重要的需求得到满足之后。人永远都是被欲望操控的动物。似乎没有什么需求或动机可以被孤立或分离； 每一个动机与其他动机的满足或不满足的状态都有联系。
8. Lists of drives will get us nowhere for various theoretical and practical reasons. Furthermore any classification of motivations [p. 371] must deal with the problem of levels of specificity or generalization the motives to be classified.
8. 出于各种理论性和实践性的原因，制作关于动机的清单不会对我们有任何帮助。此外，任何动机的分类【371页】，都要去处理动机在特异性（只在几个个体上）或者普遍性（N多个体上）上的分级水平（程度比如level1-10）难题。
9. Classifications of motivations must be based upon goals rather than upon instigating drives or motivated behavior
9. 对动机的分类必须基于目标的不同，而非一些被激发而产生的动力或者行为。
10. Motivation theory should be human-centered rather than animal-centered.
10. 动机理论应该是以人为本，而非以动物为本。
11. The situation or the field in which the organism reacts must be taken into account but the field alone can rarely serve as an exclusive explanation for behavior. Furthermore the field itself must be interpreted in terms of the organism. Field theory cannot be a substitute for motivation theory.
11. 有机体作出反应的情景或是领域必须被加以考虑，但单单是这情景或者领域很少会作为这种反应的一个单独的解释。另外，这个领域本身必须依据这个有机体来解读。领域方面的理论不可以做为动机理论的代替。
12. Not only the integration of the organism must be taken into account, but also the possibility of isolated, specific, partial or segmental reactions. It has since become necessary to add to these another affirmation.
12.不仅要考虑有机体的整体，还需要考虑其孤立、具体及局部的反应。确认这些是很有必要的。
13. Motivation theory is not synonymous with behavior theory. The motivations are only one class of determinants of behavior. While behavior is almost always motivated, it is also almost always biologically, culturally and situationally determined as well.
13.动机理论不等同于行为理论。动机仅仅是决定行为的要素中的一级。尽管行为往往最为被动机所激励，但仍被生物、文化、环境等因素所影响。
The present paper is an attempt to formulate a positive theory of motivation which will satisfy these theoretical demands and at the same time conform to the known facts, clinical and observational as well as experimental. It derives most directly, however, from clinical experience. This theory is, I think, in the functionalist tradition of James and Dewey, and is fused with the holism of Wertheimer (19), Goldstein (6), and Gestalt Psychology, and with the dynamicism of Freud (4) and Adler (1). This fusion or synthesis may arbitrarily be called a ‘general-dynamic’ theory.
本文试图形成一明确的动机理论，能够满足理论假设的同时符合既有事实，冷静观察且富实践性。这一理论继承了James与 Dewey机能主义的传统，并融合了Wertheimer (19)与Goldstein (6)的整体论 与格式塔主义，再加以弗洛伊德与阿德勒的动力主义。
It is far easier to perceive and to criticize the aspects in motivation theory than to remedy them. Mostly this is because of the very serious lack of sound data in this area. I conceive this lack of sound facts to be due primarily to the absence of a valid theory of motivation. The present theory then must be considered to be a suggested program or framework for future research and must stand or fall, not so much on facts available or evidence presented, as upon researches to be done, researches suggested perhaps, by the questions raised in this paper.[p. 372]
认知和批判动机理论当然是比对动机理论的修正来得容易得多。这主要是因为动机理论领域的反馈数据极度缺乏。我以为反馈现象的缺乏又主要是由于没有一种有效的动机理论。现有的理论必须被考虑为一种可供未来研究借鉴的模式或者框架，而且建立或者推翻理论时不应该像做调查那样那么拘泥于可得的、现有的事实和证据，而调查也许也应该如本文提到的问题所建议的那样去做。【372页】（译者：正想翻译来着 ，，，好速度！）@周星星
II. THE BASIC NEEDS
The ‘physiological’ needs. — The needs that are usually taken as the starting point for motivation theory are the so-called physiological drives. Two recent lines of research make it necessary to revise our customary notions about these needs, first, the development of the concept of homeostasis, and second, the finding that appetites (preferential choices among foods) are a fairly efficient indication of actual needs or lacks in the body.
II. 基本需求
“生理”需要——生理上的需要，通常上被认为是动机理论的源点，就是所谓的生理驱动因素。两项最新的研究结果使修正我们对这些需要的习惯性认知变得有必要。首先是，稳态理论的进步；其次是，发现食欲（对食物的偏好）是机体需缺比较有效的表象。
Homeostasis refers to the body’s automatic efforts to maintain a constant, normal state of the blood stream. Cannon (2) has described this process for (1) the water content of the blood, (2) salt content, (3) sugar content, (4) protein content, (5) fat content, (6) calcium content, (7) oxygen content, (8) constant hydrogen-ion level (acid-base balance) and (9) constant temperature of the blood. Obviously this list can be extended to include other minerals, the hormones, vitamins, etc.
稳态指机体自动地做出相应调节以保正机体血液能够持续处于常态。坎农通过以下因素描述这个过程(1) 血液的水分含量, (2)盐分含量, (3)糖分含量, (4)蛋白质含量, (5)脂肪含量, (6)钙质含量, (7)氧含量, (8)氢离子水平（酸性条件下的氢离子动态平衡）以及(9)血液温度。显然，只有以上列出的因素还不足以详尽其源，比如还应有激素，维生素等等其他因素。
（译者：向你致敬！···········为什么因为我觉得这段好复杂……······谢谢···我也是根据高中的生物知识来翻译的牛X啊！看我ID！）
Young in a recent article (21) has summarized the work on appetite in its relation to body needs. If the body lacks some chemical, the individual will tend to develop a specific appetite or partial hunger for that food element.
杨（Young) 在最近的一篇文章（21）中提出食欲与机体需求有联系。如果机体缺乏某种化学元素，那么他的食欲变化会倾向缺乏的这种元素。
Thus it seems impossible as well as useless to make any list of fundamental physiological needs for they can come to almost any number one might wish, depending on the degree of specificity of description. We can not identify all physiological needs as homeostatic. That sexual desire, sleepiness, sheer activity and maternal behavior in animals, are homeostatic, has not yet been demonstrated. Furthermore, this list would not include the various sensory pleasures (tastes, smells, tickling, stroking) which are probably physiological and which may become the goals of motivated behavior.
因此，列出一个基本生理需求的清单就显得即不可能也没有必要，因为不同的人能有不同的定义基本需求的方法，这只取决于机体对需求的特征描述的程度。我们不能将所有的生理需要都认同为稳态的一份子。譬如性欲、睡眠、纯粹的活动以及母性行为，这些都是动物界的稳态因素且还待科学论证。不光如此，这个清单也不能包括各种感觉（味觉、嗅觉、触觉）,虽然这当中有些是生理上的，有些是动机的目的。
In a previous paper (13) it has been pointed out that these physiological drives or needs are to be considered unusual rather than typical because they are isolable, and because they are localizable somatically. That is to say, they are relatively independent of each other, of other motivations [p. 373] and of the organism as a whole, and secondly, in many cases, it is possible to demonstrate a localized, underlying somatic base for the drive. This is true less generally than has been thought (exceptions are fatigue, sleepiness, maternal responses) but it is still true in the classic instances of hunger, sex, and thirst.
以前的一篇论文（13）曾指出，这些生理的驱动力或需求是不寻常的，而不是典型的，因为他们是独立的，并且在躯体上是局部的。也就是说，他们相互间是独立的，有关其他动机【见373页】，并且有关生物个体的整体。并且其次，在很多情况下，可以展示该驱动力的一个局部的，潜在的身体基础。这不像想象的那么常见（特例包括疲倦、困倦、母性反应），但其仍在经典例子中正确，如饥饿、性欲、饥渴。
It should be pointed out again that any of the physiological needs and the consummatory behavior involved with them serve as channels for all sorts of other needs as well. That is to say, the person who thinks he is hungry may actually be seeking more for comfort, or dependence, than for vitamins or proteins. Conversely, it is possible to satisfy the hunger need in part by other activities such as drinking water or smoking cigarettes. In other words, relatively isolable as these physiological needs are, they are not completely so.
需要再次指出的是，与机体有关的任何心理需求和完成行为 如同其他需求像一个通道一样工作着。 这表明，假使一个人感觉饥饿，那么同时他也是在寻求更多的舒适、自主，而不是维生素和蛋白质。反过来说，这就使得用喝水或者吸烟获得的满足感填补解决饥饿的获得的满足感变为可能。换言之，不同的生理需要其实神离貌合。
Undoubtedly these physiological needs are the most pre-potent of all needs. What this means specifically is, that in the human being who is missing everything in life in an extreme fashion, it is most likely that the major motivation would be the physiological needs rather than any others. A person who is lacking food, safety, love, and esteem would most probably hunger for food more strongly than for anything else.
毋庸置疑，这些生理需要在所有需求中是最占优势的。这就意味着，在极端情况下，一个生活中失去了所有东西的人，很可能它的主要动机就是心理需求而不是其他东西。一个缺乏食物、安全感、爱与尊重的人，对食物的渴望要比其他东西更强烈。
If all the needs are unsatisfied, and the organism is then dominated by the physiological needs, all other needs may become simply non-existent or be pushed into the background. It is then fair to characterize the whole organism by saying simply that it is hungry, for consciousness is almost completely preempted by hunger. All capacities are put into the service of hunger-satisfaction, and the organization of these capacities is almost entirely determined by the one purpose of satisfying hunger. The receptors and effectors, the intelligence, memory, habits, all may now be defined simply as hunger-gratifying tools. Capacities that are not useful for this purpose lie dormant, or are pushed into the background. The urge to write poetry, the desire to acquire an automobile, the interest in American history, the desire for a new pair of shoes are, in the extreme case, forgotten or become of sec-[p.374]ondary importance. For the man who is extremely and dangerously hungry, no other interests exist but food. He dreams food, he remembers food, he thinks about food, he emotes only about food, he perceives only food and he wants only food. The more subtle determinants that ordinarily fuse with the physiological drives in organizing even feeding, drinking or sexual behavior, may now be so completely overwhelmed as to allow us to speak at this time (but only at this time) of pure hunger drive and behavior, with the one unqualified aim of relief.
如果所有的需要都不能被满足，那么机体将被生理需求奴役，其他的需要会消失或暂时被搁置脑后。一旦理智意识被饥饿感取代，形容一个机体仅仅只充满了裹腹之欲就不为过了。那么机体将调动全部的资源来达到一个目的，竭尽所能去满足饱食之欲。受体、效应器、脑活动、记忆、行为习惯，所有的这些都将成为解决饥饿的工具。不能解决饥饿感的机体能力会隐蔽起来，或者是暂时搁置。譬如创作诗词的欲望、想获得汽车的欲望、对美国历史的兴趣，想要一双新鞋子的欲望，极端的说，将被以往或者不再首要（第374页）。如果一个人极度饥饿，那么他脑子里想的就只有食物。他梦见食物，他回忆食物，他臆想食物，他表情中也流露出对食物的渴望，他的眼中只有食物他想要的只是食物！还有更多的能够通常与生理驱动因素如主导进食、喝水或性欲，混淆在一块的潜在决定性因素，会因这种混杂一团的因素使得单纯的饥饿驱动因素无足轻重，不能被我们分辨出来（至少是现在）。(译者：翻懵了）
Another peculiar characteristic of the human organism when it is dominated by a certain need is that the whole philosophy of the future tends also to change. For our chronically and extremely hungry man, Utopia can be defined very simply as a place where there is plenty of food. He tends to think that, if only he is guaranteed food for the rest of his life, he will be perfectly happy and will never want anything more. Life itself tends to be defined in terms of eating. Anything else will be defined as unimportant. Freedom, love, community feeling, respect, philosophy, may all be waved aside as fripperies which are useless since they fail to fill the stomach. Such a man may fairly be said to live by bread alone.
人的机体的另一个独特的特征是当它由一定需要主导，跟着整个领域同样也需要改变。对于长期和极度饥饿的人来说，乌托邦可以简单定义为有充足的食物的地方。他倾向于认为，如果他余生被保证了衣食无忧，那么他将会非常高兴，而且绝不会多想其他的事情。生命本身就被定义为吃。其他任何东西都会被定义为不重要。自由，爱情，社区，感觉，尊重，哲学，都可能被置之不理，是无用的，因为他们不能填饱肚子。这样的人可以说成是单靠面包生活也不为过。
It cannot possibly be denied that such things are true but theirgenerality can be denied. Emergency conditions are, almost by definition, rare in the normally functioning peaceful society. That this truism can be forgotten is due mainly to two reasons. First, rats have few motivations other than physiological ones, and since so much of the research upon motivation has been made with these animals, it is easy to carry the rat-picture over to the human being. Secondly, it is too often not realized that culture itself is an adaptive tool, one of whose main functions is to make the physiological emergencies come less and less often. In most of the known societies, chronic extreme hunger of the emergency type is rare, rather than common. In any case, this is still true in the United States. The average American citizen is experiencing appetite rather than hunger when he says “I am [p. 375] hungry.” He is apt to experience sheer life-and-death hunger only by accident and then only a few times through his entire life.
不可否认，这种事情是真实的，但其普遍性，却可以被否定。除紧急情况下几乎可以说，这在正常运作的和平社会很少见。主要由两方面的原因这个真理是可以被遗忘的。首先，老鼠比其他生物有着不多的动机，一直以来这种动机实验都是以他们作为实验的对象进行，这会很容易造成人鼠窜位的现象发生。第二点是人们往往会忽略了文化本身就是一种适应性工具，其主要功能就是使物理紧急情况的发生减少。在大多数社会，紧急类型的慢性极端饥饿是罕见而不常见。但这仍然真实的发生在美国。当一般的美国公民说：“我[P.375]饿了时是指胃口而不是真的饥饿。“会真正体验到纯粹的生死存亡般的饥饿只是偶然，整个人生中只会有那么的几次。
Obviously a good way to obscure the ‘higher’ motivations, and to get a lopsided view of human capacities and human nature, is to make the organism extremely and chronically hungry or thirsty. Anyone who attempts to make an emergency picture into a typical one, and who will measure all of man’s goals and desires by his behavior during extreme physiological deprivation is certainly being blind to many things. It is quite true that man lives by bread alone — when there is no bread. But what happens to man’s desires when there is plenty of bread and when his belly is chronically filled?
很明显，掩饰更高的动机，并且获得一个对于人类能力和本质有偏向性的观点是一个好的方法保持生物有机体长期极度的饥饿或口渴的状态。任何一个试图把突发情况带入到典型事件中，以及通过他的行为权衡所有人的目标和渴望在极端生理剥夺期间的人，必将对很多事情都是认识不清的。 这是真的，人们只靠面包活着--当没有面包时【翻得好不顺啊...】。但是，当人有了大量面包以及当他长期处于饱腹状态的时候，他的欲望有会怎样？
At once other (and ‘higher’) needs emerge and these, rather than physiological hungers, dominate the organism. And when these in turn are satisfied, again new (and still ‘higher’) needs emerge and so on. This is what we mean by saying that the basic human needs are organized into a hierarchy of relative prepotency.
其他（更高级）的需求马上就出现，并且这些需求，而不是生理上的饥饿感，将控制这个生物。当这些需求依次被满足后，再一次地，更新（也更加高级）的需求出现，以此类推，进行下去。我们所说的人类的基本需求被组织在一个以相对优先级为划分的层级制度中就是这个意思。
One main implication of this phrasing is that gratification becomes as important a concept as deprivation in motivation theory, for it releases the organism from the domination of a relatively more physiological need, permitting thereby the emergence of other more social goals. The physiological needs, along with their partial goals, when chronically gratified cease to exist as active determinants or organizers of behavior. They now exist only in a potential fashion in the sense that they may emerge again to dominate the organism if they are thwarted. But a want that is satisfied is no longer a want. The organism is dominated and its behavior organized only by unsatisfied needs. If hunger is satisfied, it becomes unimportant in the current dynamics of the individual.
对于这个措辞一个重要的含义就是，满意的事与伤心的事对于动机理论一样重要，因为它可以把生物从被一个相对更加处于生理层面的需求控制的情况中解放出来，以此使得其他具有社会性的目标出现。生理需求，连同它们的部分目标，如果长期地被满足，就会变得不再是行为的主要决定因素和组织者（/形成体。organizer在这应该是什么呀？我查字典说organizer在生物学中可译为组织导体或形成体，感觉形成体听起来有点像，但是不知道在这是否适用）。它们现在只以一种潜在的方式存在，意义在于一旦它们被挫败（这一时半会实在没想到好的动词，意思就是那些生理需求以前被满足，一旦那些生理需求不被满足了），它们还可以重新出现并占据生物。但是，一种需要得到满足后就不再是需要了。生物被占据着，生物的行为只是由未被满足的需求组织的。当饥饿被满足时，它对于人们的当前动力不再重要。
This statement is somewhat qualified by a hypothesis to be discussed more fully later, namely that it is precisely those individuals in whom a certain need has always been satisfied who are best equipped to tolerate deprivation of that need in the future, and that furthermore, those who have been de-[p. 376]prived in the past will react differently to current satisfactions than the one who has never been deprived.
然而这个说法被一个仍有待讨论的假设进行了限定，换句话说，正是这些某一项需求长期被满足的个体在未来更能忍受这项需求的缺乏。进一步说，那些以前在某项需求上被剥夺过的个体与以前没有在这项需求上被剥夺过的个体对于当下的这项需求的满足会产生不同反应。
The safety needs. — If the physiological needs are relatively well gratified, there then emerges a new set of needs, which we may categorize roughly as the safety needs. All that has been said of the physiological needs is equally true, although in lesser degree, of these desires. The organism may equally well be wholly dominated by them. They may serve as the almost exclusive organizers of behavior, recruiting all the capacities of the organism in their service, and we may then fairly describe the whole organism as a safety-seeking mechanism. Again we may say of the receptors, the effectors, of the intellect and the other capacities that they are primarily safety-seeking tools. Again, as in the hungry man, we find that the dominating goal is a strong determinant not only of his current world-outlook and philosophy but also of his philosophy of the future. Practically everything looks less important than safety, (even sometimes the physiological needs which being satisfied, are now underestimated). A man, in this state, if it is extreme enough and chronic enough, may be characterized as living almost for safety alone.
安全的需要。 - 如果生理需求能得到相对较好满足，然后出现一套新的需求，我们可以大致将此归类为安全需求。以上所有的生理需求同样是真实的，虽然在程度上较这些欲望低些。有机体可能也全由他他们主导。他们可能专门作为组织者的行为，招揽所有的有机体为他们服务，然后我们可以公平地描述整个有机体就像是一个寻求安全的机制。同样，我们也可以说受体，效应器的智力和其他方面的能力主要也是寻求安全的工具。同样，我们发现，对于饥饿的人，主要目标是一个强大的决定因素，不仅是他目前的世界观和哲学观，还有其未来的哲学观。实际上，所以的这些都重要不过安全，（有时即使是生理需求得到满足，但现在忽略不计）。一个人，在这种状态下，如果是足够极端和足够长期的，可以被认为能安全的单独生活。
Although in this paper we are interested primarily in the needs of the adult, we can approach an understanding of his safety needs perhaps more efficiently by observation of infants and children, in whom these needs are much more simple and obvious. One reason for the clearer appearance of the threat or danger reaction in infants, is that they do not inhibit this reaction at all, whereas adults in our society have been taught to inhibit it at all costs. Thus even when adults do feel their safety to be threatened we may not be able to see this on the surface. Infants will react in a total fashion and as if they were endangered, if they are disturbed or dropped suddenly, startled by loud noises, flashing light, or other unusual sensory stimulation, by rough handling, by general loss of support in the mother’s arms, or by inadequate support.[1][p. 377]
尽管在本文中，我们主要感兴趣的是成人的需求，但是我们或许可以通过观察婴儿和孩子来理解其安全需求会更有效，他们的需求更简单和更明显。婴儿在遇到威胁和危险的反应有着更清晰的外像，其中一个原因是，他们完全不会抑制这种反应，但社会中的成年人则被教导要不惜一切代价抑制它。因此，即使当成年人觉得自己的安全受到威胁，我们可能不能够从表面上看出来。婴儿反应的总的形式是是他们仿佛都面临威胁，假如他们感到不安或突然下降，被噪音、闪光灯、或其他不寻常的感官刺激惊吓到，或是被敷衍的对待，在母亲的臂弯中得不到关注，或不充足的支持。[1][p. 377]
In infants we can also see a much more direct reaction to bodily illnesses of various kinds. Sometimes these illnesses seem to be immediately and per se threatening and seem to make the child feel unsafe. For instance, vomiting, colic or other sharp pains seem to make the child look at the whole world in a different way. At such a moment of pain, it may be postulated that, for the child, the appearance of the whole world suddenly changes from sunniness to darkness, so to speak, and becomes a place in which anything at all might happen, in which previously stable things have suddenly become unstable. Thus a child who because of some bad food is taken ill may, for a day or two, develop fear, nightmares, and a need for protection and reassurance never seen in him before his illness.
对于婴孩来说，我们可以看见一个更加直接的对于各种身体疾病的反应。有时候这些疾病似乎是直接地威胁到婴孩本身或似乎是使得孩童感到不安全。例如，呕吐，绞痛或其他尖锐的疼痛好像使得孩童对这个世界另眼相看。在疼痛的时刻，我们可以假设，打个比方说对于一个孩童来说，整个世界的全貌突然从阳光明媚变成了黑暗无底，变成了一个什么事情都可能发生的地方，之前稳定的事物都变得不再稳定。因此一个因为吃了坏掉食物而生病的孩童，也许，在一俩天内，就会产生恐惧，做恶梦，并且产生对于被保护和被确定的需求，这些都是在他生病前没有的。
Another indication of the child’s need for safety is his preference for some kind of undisrupted routine or rhythm. He seems to want a predictable, orderly world. For instance, injustice, unfairness, or inconsistency in the parents seems to make a child feel anxious and unsafe. This attitude may be not so much because of the injustice per se or any particular pains involved, but rather because this treatment threatens to make the world look unreliable, or unsafe, or unpredictable. Young children seem to thrive better under a system which has at least a skeletal outline of rigidity, In which there is a schedule of a kind, some sort of routine, something that can be counted upon, not only for the present but also far into the future. Perhaps one could express this more accurately by saying that the child needs an organized world rather than an unorganized or unstructured one.
另一个迹象表明，孩童对于安全感的需求是他对于一种不可中断的日常行为或节奏的倾向。看上去他想要一个可预知的，有秩序的世界。例如，父母的不公正，不公平或者不一致可能会导致一个孩童感到焦虑和不安全。这个看法可能不是因为不公正本身或其他苦痛，而是因为这样的有威胁性的对待导致孩童生活的世界看上去不可靠，不安全或不可预测。在一个有着至少像骨骼一样清晰的严格的系统下，幼童看上去会成长的更好。在一个拥有某种计划表，规律的日常工作，一些可以依靠的东西，不仅仅是对于当下，也是对于遥远的未来的系统下。也许可以被更正确的表达为孩童需要一个被规划的很好的世界相对于缺乏规划和组织的世界。
The central role of the parents and the normal family setup are indisputable. Quarreling, physical assault, separation, divorce or death within the family may be particularly terrifying. Also parental outbursts of rage or threats of punishment directed to the child, calling him names, speaking to him harshly, shaking him, handling him roughly, or actual [p. 378] physical punishment sometimes elicit such total panic and terror in the child that we must assume more is involved than the physical pain alone. While it is true that in some children this terror may represent also a fear of loss of parental love, it can also occur in completely rejected children, who seem to cling to the hating parents more for sheer safety and protection than because of hope of love.
父母以及其他家庭成员的核心作用是无可置疑的。家庭内部成员的争吵打架，分居离婚乃至死亡可能会使小孩感到特别恐惧。尽管家长发大火或者威胁孩子会有惩罚，是为了指导孩子的行为。但是骂他摇他，严厉的说话语气，放任自流乃至体罚有时会激发小孩子的心里的恐惧感和不安感。而且我们必须意识到，这种行为会带来除身体疼痛之外的很多其他后果。对一些孩子来说，这种恐慌感可能会是担心失去父母的爱的映射；对另外一些特别叛逆的孩子而言，他们依赖令他们憎恨的父母，不是希冀得到父母的爱，而仅仅是为了安全和庇佑。
Confronting the average child with new, unfamiliar, strange, unmanageable stimuli or situations will too frequently elicit the danger or terror reaction, as for example, getting lost or even being separated from the parents for a short time, being confronted with new faces, new situations or new tasks, the sight of strange, unfamiliar or uncontrollable objects, illness or death. Particularly at such times, the child’s frantic clinging to his parents is eloquent testimony to their role as protectors (quite apart from their roles as food-givers and love-givers).
让一个普通的孩子去面对全新的、陌生的、奇怪的、难以应付的刺激或情况，这常常会引起危险或者恐惧的反应。例如，迷路或在短时间内与父母分开，面对生面孔、新环境或新任务，看到陌生的、奇怪的、难以控制的东西，疾病或者死亡。特别是在这种情况下，孩子会疯狂地依恋他的父母，这雄辩地证明了父母作为保护者的角色（这和父母作为食物提供者和爱的给予者的角色是不同的）。
From these and similar observations, we may generalize and say that the average child in our society generally prefers a safe, orderly, predictable, organized world, which he can count, on, and in which unexpected, unmanageable or other dangerous things do not happen, and in which, in any case, he has all-powerful parents who protect and shield him from harm.
从这些以及类似的观察中我们可以概括出，我们社会中的普通儿童通常情况下更喜欢一个安全的、有序的、可预知的、有条理的世界，一个他可以指望的世界。在这个世界里，意料之外的、难以应付的或其他危险不会发生。在这个世界里，无论发生什么，他都会有全知全能父母的庇护以保护他免遭伤害。
That these reactions may so easily be observed in children is in a way a proof of the fact that children in our society, feel too unsafe (or, in a word, are badly brought up). Children who are reared in an unthreatening, loving family do not ordinarily react as we have described above (17). In such children the danger reactions are apt to come mostly to objects or situations that adults too would consider dangerous.[2]
也许在儿童身上也可以很容易地观察到这些反应，这在某种程度上证明了我们社会中的儿童感到非常不安全（或简言之，【？不会翻了】意译：成长过程艰辛／很痛苦地长大）。在一个没有威胁和充满爱的家庭成长起来的孩子通常没有我们前文所述的那种反应（17）。在这种孩子身上，对危险的反应来自于那些连大人也会感到危险的东西和情形。[2]
The healthy, normal, fortunate adult in our culture is largely satisfied in his safety needs. The peaceful, smoothly [p. 379] running, ‘good’ society ordinarily makes its members feel safe enough from wild animals, extremes of temperature, criminals, assault and murder, tyranny, etc. Therefore, in a very real sense, he no longer has any safety needs as active motivators. Just as a sated man no longer feels hungry, a safe man no longer feels endangered. If we wish to see these needs directly and clearly we must turn to neurotic or near-neurotic individuals, and to the economic and social underdogs. In between these extremes, we can perceive the expressions of safety needs only in such phenomena as, for instance, the common preference for a job with tenure and protection, the desire for a savings account, and for insurance of various kinds (medical, dental, unemployment, disability, old age).
在我们的文化中，健康、正常、幸运的成年人在很大程度上对自己的安全需求表示满意。和平的、运转良好的、“好”的社会通常会使它的成员感到安全。免于遭受野兽、极端气温、罪犯、袭击和谋杀、暴政等。因此，在实际情况下，他不再有作为积极地激励因素的任何安全需求。正如一个饱食的人不会感到饥饿，一个安全的人不会感到危险，如果我们想更加直接、清楚地观察这些需求，就必须把目光转向那些神经官能症患者和疑似患者的人，和那些在经济和社会地位上都处于劣势的人。在这两个极端之间，我们只能在下列现象中感知到安全需求的表现，例如：都愿意找终身的、有保障的工作，想要有银行存款账户的以及各种保险（医疗保险、牙科保险、失业保险、意外保险和养老保险）。（译者：加油！！加油！！）
Other broader aspects of the attempt to seek safety and stability in the world are seen in the very common preference for familiar rather than unfamiliar things, or for the known rather than the unknown. The tendency to have some religion or world-philosophy that organizes the universe and the men in it into some sort of satisfactorily coherent, meaningful whole is also in part motivated by safety-seeking. Here too we may list science and philosophy in general as partially motivated by the safety needs (we shall see later that there are also other motivations to scientific, philosophical or religious endeavor).
这个世界上，在其他寻求安全和稳定的更广阔的尝试中可以看到更常见的喜好：喜欢熟悉事物胜于陌生事物，喜欢一直事物胜于未知事物。使用某种宗教或世界哲学将宇宙和宇宙中的人在某种程度上统治成为令人满意的、有序的、有意义的整体的倾向。这种倾向在某种程度上也是受到寻求安全的驱使。在这里，我们可以例举一般的科学和哲学在某种程度上是受安全需求所驱使的（我们将会看到，科学、哲学或者宗教努力还有其他动机）。
Otherwise the need for safety is seen as an active and dominant mobilizer of the organism’s resources only in emergencies, e. g., war, disease, natural catastrophes, crime waves, societal disorganization, neurosis, brain injury, chronically bad situation.
否则，只有在紧急情况下，对于安全的需求才会被看做是一个积极的、占主导地位有机体资源的移动装置。例如，战争、疾病、自然灾害、犯罪大潮、社会解体、神经衰弱、脑损伤、长期的恶劣形势等。
Some neurotic adults in our society are, in many ways, like the unsafe child in their desire for safety, although in the former it takes on a somewhat special appearance. Their reaction is often to unknown, psychological dangers in a world that is perceived to be hostile, overwhelming and threatening. Such a person behaves as if a great catastrophe were almost always impending, i.e., he is usually responding as if to an emergency. His safety needs often find specific [p. 380] expression in a search for a protector, or a stronger person on whom he may depend, or perhaps, a Fuehrer.
在很多情况下，我们社会中患有神经官能症的成年人，对安全的渴望和缺乏安全感的孩子是一样的。然而成人的表现会特殊一点。他们的反应多是对应于这个看来凶残、强大、有威胁性世界中的未知和心理威胁。他表现出大难临头的样子。比如，他经常会做出应急反应。他的安全需求[p. 380]找到一个保护者或可以让他依靠的强壮的人，甚至是一个权力掌控者。
The neurotic individual may be described in a slightly different way with some usefulness as a grown-up person who retains his childish attitudes toward the world. That is to say, a neurotic adult may be said to behave ‘as if’ he were actually afraid of a spanking, or of his mother’s disapproval, or of being abandoned by his parents, or having his food taken away from him. It is as if his childish attitudes of fear and threat reaction to a dangerous world had gone underground, and untouched by the growing up and learning processes, were now ready to be called out by any stimulus that would make a child feel endangered and threatened.[3]
神经病患者也许可以多多少少被以一种有些不同的方式看待，他们被看做一个仍然保持着对世界有着儿童般态度的成人。也就是说，一个患神经病的成年人也许会被认为表现出就像是他确实很害怕受打击、怕母亲的不认同、怕被父母遗弃、还怕他的食物被拿走。就像是就算他那种以一种童心看待危险世界中的恐惧的态度已经悄然的消失，而且随着成长和学习的过程不再受这种态度的影响，但是那种以孩童眼光看待危险世界的恐惧心态现在仍然可以被任何能使孩子感到危险和恐惧的刺激所召回。@周星星
The neurosis in which the search for safety takes its dearest form is in the compulsive-obsessive neurosis. Compulsive-obsessives try frantically to order and stabilize the world so that no unmanageable, unexpected or unfamiliar dangers will ever appear (14); They hedge themselves about with all sorts of ceremonials, rules and formulas so that every possible contingency may be provided for and so that no new contingencies may appear.
以最强烈的形式寻找安全感的这样一种神经症属于强迫症的范畴。强迫症患者会疯狂地尝试去管理这个世界、使这个世界稳定，以确保不可控的、预料之外的以及陌生的危险不会出现（14）。他们使自己受到各种礼俗、规则和管理限制，以确保面对所有可能发生的意外都会有准备，并且不会发生新的意外情况。
They are much like the brain injured cases, described by Goldstein (6), who manage to maintain their equilibrium by avoiding everything unfamiliar and strange and by ordering their restricted world in such a neat, disciplined, orderly fashion that everything in the world can be counted upon. They try to arrange the world so that anything unexpected (dangers) cannot possibly occur. If, through no fault of their own, something unexpected does occur, they go into a panic reaction as if this unexpected occurrence constituted a grave danger. What we can see only as a none-too-strong preference in the healthy person, e. g., preference for the familiar, becomes a life-and-death. necessity in abnormal cases.
他们就像那些大脑受损的案例，Goldstein曾有过描述（6）。这些案例要保持平衡，只能通过躲避不熟悉、奇怪的事物，把他们的局限的世界组织成整齐、有纪律、规矩的样子，以便所有东西都是可靠的。他们把自己的世界组织成任何意想不到（的危险）都不可能发生。如果，哪怕不是他们的过错，意想不到的事情还是发生了，他们就进入一个恐慌的反应，仿佛意想不到的事情形成一个严峻的危险。我们在常人身上看到的，不是那么强烈的偏好，比如偏好熟悉的东西，在患者身上变成生死攸关的必须。
The love needs. — If both the physiological and the safety needs are fairly well gratified, then there will emerge the love and affection and belongingness needs, and the whole cycle [p. 381] already described will repeat itself with this new center. Now the person will feel keenly, as never before, the absence of friends, or a sweetheart, or a wife, or children. He will hunger for affectionate relations with people in general, namely, for a place in his group, and he will strive with great intensity to achieve this goal. He will want to attain such a place more than anything else in the world and may even forget that once, when he was hungry, he sneered at love.
爱的需求。-----如果生理需要和安全需求都得到了相当好的满足的话，就会出现对爱和归属感的需求，然后之前被描述的整个循环将会以新的中心重复。这个时候，人会对朋友、爱人、妻子、孩子的离去感到前所未有的敏感。他将在众人中寻找充满深情的感情关系，即寻找他在团体中的位置、归属感，并且他会极尽全力去达成这样的目标。他会比想得到世界上其他任何东西都还想得到这些（爱和归属感），甚至忘记他曾经饥饿和嘲笑爱的时刻。@周星星
In our society the thwarting of these needs is the most commonly found core in cases of maladjustment and more severe psychopathology. Love and affection, as well as their possible expression in sexuality, are generally looked upon with ambivalence and are customarily hedged about with many restrictions and inhibitions. Practically all theorists of psychopathology have stressed thwarting of the love needs as basic in the picture of maladjustment. Many clinical studies have therefore been made of this need and we know more about it perhaps than any of the other needs except the physiological ones (14).
我们的社会中，对这些需求的阻挠的要点在适应不良和严重的精神病理学案例中最为常见。爱和倾慕及其潜在的性欲的表达大致上是被纠结地鄙视的，习俗上也用规则和压抑加以束缚。实际上，所有精神病理学理论都强调爱的需求受限是适应不良的根基。因此，许多临床研究都针对这个需求，所以我们除了它的生理病因，对这个需求的了解或许比其他需求更多。（14）
One thing that must be stressed at this point is that love is not synonymous with sex. Sex may be studied as a purely physiological need. Ordinarily sexual behavior is multi-determined, that is to say, determined not only by sexual but also by other needs, chief among which are the love and affection needs. Also not to be overlooked is the fact that the love needs involve both giving and receiving love.[4]
在这一点上，需要强调的是爱并不等同于性。性可以作为单纯的生理需求来研究。一般来说，性行为是由多重因素决定的，也就是说，除了性需求外，其它需求也可以决定性行为的发生。其中爱和感情起着主要作用。同样，在这里不能忽视的另一个事实是爱与被爱缺一不可。[4]
The esteem needs. — All people in our society (with a few pathological exceptions) have a need or desire for a stable, firmly based, (usually) high evaluation of themselves, for self-respect, or self-esteem, and for the esteem of others. By firmly based self-esteem, we mean that which is soundly based upon real capacity, achievement and respect from others. These needs may be classified into two subsidiary sets. These are, first, the desire for strength, for achievement, for adequacy, for confidence in the face of the world, and for independence and freedom.[5] Secondly, we have what [p. 382] we may call the desire for reputation or prestige (defining it as respect or esteem from other people), recognition, attention, importance or appreciation.[6] These needs have been relatively stressed by Alfred Adler and his followers, and have been relatively neglected by Freud and the psychoanalysts. More and more today however there is appearing widespread appreciation of their central importance.
对尊重的需要。—我们这个社会中的所有人（除了少数病态的例外）都对于一个稳定、有坚实基础、（多数情况下）高的评价，自尊，以及来自他人的尊重有一种需求或者渴望。我们认为有坚实基础的自尊是完全基于真实能力、成就、以及来自他人的尊重的。这种需要可以再分为两类。第一类，是对于实力、成就、足够的能力、面对世界的自信以及独立和自由的渴望。第二类，被我们称之为对声望（指来自他人的尊敬）、认可、关注以及欣赏的渴望。这些需求曾被阿尔弗雷德·阿德勒和他的追随者强调，并曾被弗洛伊德和精神分析学家所忽视。但是，现在对于这些需求的重要性越来越被重视。
Satisfaction of the self-esteem need leads to feelings of self-confidence, worth, strength, capability and adequacy of being useful and necessary in the world. But thwarting of these needs produces feelings of inferiority, of weakness and of helplessness. These feelings in turn give rise to either basic discouragement or else compensatory or neurotic trends. An appreciation of the necessity of basic self-confidence and an understanding of how helpless people are without it, can be easily gained from a study of severe traumatic neurosis (8).[7]
自尊需求的满足导致自信感、价值、力量、能力和在世上足够有用且必要的感觉。而需求受阻产生自卑感或软弱和无助。这些感觉反过来引发基本的沮丧、弥补或神经质趋向。在严重创伤性精神症的研究提供很多对基本自信和对无助者如何缺少自信必要性的理解（8）。［7］［最后一句完全意译了。太绕了］
The need for self-actualization. — Even if all these needs are satisfied, we may still often (if not always) expect that a new discontent and restlessness will soon develop, unless the individual is doing what he is fitted for. A musician must make music, an artist must paint, a poet must write, if he is to be ultimately happy. What a man can be, he must be. This need we may call self-actualization.
自我实现的需求。----即使以上所有的需求被满足，我们仍然经常（如果不是总是的话）有所期待，以至于一种新的焦灼不满的情绪会立刻发展起来，除非这个个体正在做的事情正是非常适合他的。如果要达到真正的快乐，音乐家必须创造音乐，画家必须创作新的画作，诗人必须作诗。而一个人要做的，则是生而为人必须做的那些事情（而不是一个社会的工具、机器什么的）。这种需求，我们也许就可以把它叫做：个人实现的需求。@周星星
This term, first coined by Kurt Goldstein, is being used in this paper in a much more specific and limited fashion. It refers to the desire for self-fulfillment, namely, to the tendency for him to become actualized in what he is potentially. This tendency might be phrased as the desire to become more and more what one is, to become everything that one is capable of becoming.[p. 383]
这个术语，是由Kurt Goldstein首次提出的，在我们这篇论文中也被以一种更具体、更限定性方式使用。论文中引用人对自我实现的渴求，即，朝着能趋向于使他潜力实现的趋势发展。这种趋势也可以用俗语来表示：成为更本真的自我，成为自我能力实现到极致的那个我的渴望。【383页】 @周星星
The specific form that these needs will take will of course vary greatly from person to person. In one individual it may take the form of the desire to be an ideal mother, in another it may be expressed athletically, and in still another it may be expressed in painting pictures or in inventions. It is not necessarily a creative urge although in people who have any capacities for creation it will take this form.
这些需求带来的特定的形式当然会因人而异。在一个人那里这种需求的形式可能转化为成为一个理想母亲的需求，在另一个人那儿，也许就表现在运动方面，而在第三个人那里，也许又表现为绘画或者发明创作的需求。虽然那些有能力去创造这样的渴求的人也会受这种特定形式的需求影响，但是这种自我实现需求所带来的创造性的渴望（指：因人而异，多变，所以是富于创造性的）其实并不是必须的。@周星星
The clear emergence of these needs rests upon prior satisfaction of the physiological, safety, love and esteem needs. We shall call people who are satisfied in these needs, basically satisfied people, and it is from these that we may expect the fullest (and healthiest) creativeness.[8] Since, in our society, basically satisfied people are the exception, we do not know much about self-actualization, either experimentally or clinically. It remains a challenging problem for research.
这种自我实现的需求，是以先前的生理的、安全的、爱和归属的需求得到满足的基础上才会清晰的出现的。我们可以认为自我实现的需求得到满足的人基本上也是生而为人的意义得到满足的人了，也就是来自我们所期待的那些创造性的（多样的）渴求--成为最全面（最健康）发展的人的渴求得到满足的人。@周星星
The preconditions for the basic need satisfactions. — There are certain conditions which are immediate prerequisites for the basic need satisfactions. Danger to these is reacted to almost as if it were a direct danger to the basic needs themselves. Such conditions as freedom to speak, freedom to do what one wishes so long as no harm is done to others, freedom to express one’s self, freedom to investigate and seek for information, freedom to defend one’s self, justice, fairness, honesty, orderliness in the group are examples of such preconditions for basic need satisfactions. Thwarting in these freedoms will be reacted to with a threat or emergency response. These conditions are not ends in themselves but they are almost so since they are so closely related to the basic needs, which are apparently the only ends in themselves. These conditions are defended because without them the basic satisfactions are quite impossible, or at least, very severely endangered.[p. 384]
基本需求得到满足的前提条件。-----对于基本需求的满足，也有某种条件作为最直接的前提。能够威胁到这些需求得到满足的东西，最直接的，似乎就是这些需求本身。这种条件，比方说：言论自由、按自己意愿做事又不会危害到他人的自由、调查和搜集信息的自由、自我防御的自由，在团体内的公正、公平、诚实、有秩序，这些都是这种基本需求得到满足的前提条件的例子。对于这些自由的阻扰将会引起恐慌或是紧急反应。这些前提条件并不以他们自身的实现为终点，而是一直持续的作为前提条件，直到快接近于基本需求得到满足的状态时，才会明显的结束。【384页】@周星星
If we remember that the cognitive capacities (perceptual, intellectual, learning) are a set of adjustive tools, which have, among other functions, that of satisfaction of our basic needs, then it is clear that any danger to them, any deprivation or blocking of their free use, must also be indirectly threatening to the basic needs themselves. Such a statement is a partial solution of the general problems of curiosity, the search for knowledge, truth and wisdom, and the ever-persistent urge to solve the cosmic mysteries.
既然我们知道，认识能力（直觉上、智力上、通过模仿而学习的能力）是一系列的调节工具，它有高于其他满足我们基本需求的功能，那么，能够清楚的是，任何对于认知能力的威胁，任何对认知能力运用的剥夺或是阻碍，都一定会直接威胁到基本需求本身。这种表述部分的解释了一些基本的问题：好奇心，对知识、真理、智慧的探寻，以及任何对解决宇宙奥秘的执着渴求。@周星星
We must therefore introduce another hypothesis and speak of degrees of closeness to the basic needs, for we have already pointed out thatany conscious desires (partial goals) are more or less important as they are more or less close to the basic needs. The same statement may be made for various behavior acts. An act is psychologically important if it contributes directly to satisfaction of basic needs. The less directly it so contributes, or the weaker this contribution is, the less important this act must be conceived to be from the point of view of dynamic psychology. A similar statement may be made for the various defense or coping mechanisms. Some are very directly related to the protection or attainment of the basic needs, others are only weakly and distantly related. Indeed if we wished, we could speak of more basic and less basic defense mechanisms, and then affirm that danger to the more basic defenses is more threatening than danger to less basic defenses (always remembering that this is so only because of their relationship to the basic needs).
因为我们已经指出任何意识到的渴望（局部的目标）有多接近基本需求就有多重要，由此我们需要介绍另一个假设，而且要谈到接近基本需求的（不同）等级。相同的表述也许可以为各种行为活动所用。如果一个行为能直接有助于基本需求的满足，那么它在心理学上就是重要的。（同样），如果这个行为不直接助于基本需求的满足，甚至弱化基本需求，那么这个行为即一定会被认为在动态心理学方面不那么重要。相似的表述也可以用作防御和复制机制。有些机制是与保障和达到基本需求直接相关的，而另一些则与基本需要只有很微弱的关联或是关系很远。确实，假设，我们能够谈更多的基本需求而更少的谈基本保护机制的话，那么可以断言，对于更基本的保护的威胁是比那些不那么基本的保护的威胁更加危险（永远记住这是唯一的，因为这是他们与基本需求的关系）。<最后一句翻译的好奇怪啊,求助啊>@周星星
The desires to know and to understand. — So far, we have mentioned the cognitive needs only in passing. Acquiring knowledge and systematizing the universe have been considered as, in part, techniques for the achievement of basic safety in the world, or, for the intelligent man, expressions of self-actualization. Also freedom of inquiry and expression have been discussed as preconditions of satisfactions of the basic needs. True though these formulations may be, they do not constitute definitive answers to the question as to the motivation role of curiosity, learning, philosophizing, experimenting, etc. They are, at best, no more than partial answers.[p. 385]
求知欲：目前，我们对认知需求的阐述只是一笔带过/只有寥寥几笔。在某种程度上，知识习得与对世界进行条理化已被认为是人们获取基本安全的手段；亦或对于智者来说，则是一种自我实现的方式。并且，探索与表达的自由已被论述成是人们满足基本需求的前提条件。这种种构想也许不假，但关于“好奇心、学习、哲学思考及科学实验等等的激励作用”这一问题，他们并非是确切答案，充其量不过是部分答案罢了。【385页】 （@子水）
This question is especially difficult because we know so little about the facts. Curiosity, exploration, desire for the facts, desire to know may certainly be observed easily enough. The fact that they often are pursued even at great cost to the individual’s safety is an earnest of the partial character of our previous discussion. In addition, the writer must admit that, though he has sufficient clinical evidence to postulate （the desire to know） as a very strong drive in intelligent people, no data are available for unintelligent people. It may then be largely a function of relatively high intelligence. Rather tentatively, then, and largely in the hope of stimulating discussion and research, we shall postulate a basic desire to know, to be aware of reality, to get the facts, to satisfy curiosity, or as Wertheimer phrases it, to see rather than to be blind.
该问题如此扑朔迷离，其实是因为我们对于事实几近一无所知。 好奇心、探索欲、渴求事实、渴望知道当然很容易观察到。个体在付出安全代价的时候仍要孜孜不倦的追求这些，正证明了我们前面的讨论。此外，作者必须承认，虽然他有足够多的临床证据提出（渴望知道）是聪明人身上一个强大的动机，但对不聪明的人来说，尚未有数据。这可能是基于智力的一个表现。所以，颇为初步的，并且主要是为了能够展开讨论和研究，我们提出一个对以下的基本欲望：知道、对现实的意识、事实、满足好奇心、或者像 Wertheimer 所说，看到而不是失明的。
This postulation, however, is not enough. Even after we know, we are impelled to know more and more minutely and microscopically on the one hand, and on the other, more and more extensively in the direction of a world philosophy, religion, etc. The facts that we acquire, if they are isolated or atomistic, inevitably get theorized about, and either analyzed or organized or both. This process has been phrased by some as the search for 'meaning.' We shall then postulate a desire to understand, to systematize, to organize, to analyze, to look for relations and meanings.
但是，这个假设是不够的。即使我们知道，一方面越来越多的细微处和微观和另一方面越来越多的世界哲学，宗教等广泛的方向促进我们的了解。我们获得的这些事实，假如被分离或缩小，不可避免的需要建立理论，其他的分析或组织兼而有之。这个过程已经被某些研究定义为“含义”。然后我们可以假设一个来了解，系统化，组织，分析，寻找关系和当中含义。
Once these desires are accepted for discussion, we see that they too form themselves into a small hierarchy in which the desire to know is prepotent over the desire to understand. All the characteristics of a hierarchy of prepotency that we have described above, seem to hold for this one as well.
一旦这些需求被人们讨论，我们就会看到他们极力把自己包裹进一个小的需求层次里面，在这个小的需求层次里，对认知的需求优先于理解知识的需求。这对所有的我们上面描述的优先层次的特点都适用。@周星星
We must guard ourselves against the too easy tendency to separate these desires from the basic needs we have discussed above, i.e., to make a sharp dichotomy between 'cognitive' and 'conative' needs. The desire to know and to understand are themselves conative, i.e., have a striving character, and are as much personality needs as the 'basic needs' we have already discussed (19).[p. 386]
我们必须保护自己免受过分容易倾向于我们上面所讨论的基本需求，即“认知”和“意动”的需求之间做出尖锐的对立的这些欲望分开。认识和理解的愿望是自身意动，即有一个奋斗的个性，并尽可能多的个性需求，如前文已讨论过的“基本需求”。 (19).[p. 386]
III. FURTHER CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BASIC NEEDS
The degree of fixity of the hierarchy of basic needs. -- We have spoken so far as if this hierarchy were a fixed order but actually it is not nearly as rigid as we may have implied. It is true that most of the people with whom we have worked have seemed to have these basic needs in about the order that has been indicated. However, there have been a number of exceptions.
III. 基本需要的深层特征
基本需要层次的固定性程度。 -到目前为止，我们认为这个层次是一个固定的顺序，但实际上它并没有像我们推断的那么严格。的确是在与我们合作的人中，大部分人似乎具有按照已知顺序排列的这些基本的需求。但是，仍然存在大量的例外。
(1) There are some people in whom, for instance, self-esteem seems to be more important than love. This most common reversal in the hierarchy is usually due to the development of the notion that the person who is most likely to be loved is a strong or powerful person, one who inspires respect or fear, and who is self confident or aggressive. Therefore such people who lack love and seek it, may try hard to put on a front of aggressive, confident behavior. But essentially they seek high self-esteem and its behavior expressions more as a means-to-an-end than for its own sake; they seek self-assertion for the sake of love rather than for self-esteem itself.
（1）还有其中一些人，例如，认为自尊似乎比爱情更重要。这个层次结构中通常对最有可能被人爱的人的概念应是一个强大有力的，受到他人尊重或恐惧的，自信或具有侵略性的人。因此，这样的人缺爱而四处寻找，努力在这些人面前表现出积极，自信的行为。但本质上，他们追求高自尊和其行为表达方式并不是为了自身利益的一种手段或自尊本身，而是追求在爱中的自我主张。
(2) There are other, apparently innately creative people in whom the drive to creativeness seems to be more important than any other counter-determinant. Their creativeness might appear not as self-actualization released by basic satisfaction, but in spite of lack of basic satisfaction.
（2）还有其他人，很明显是与生俱来的创意人士，他们带来的无限创意似乎比其他任何的反向决定性因素更加重要。他们的无线创意可能不是由基本满足感的自我实现，而是缺乏基本满足感。
(3) In certain people the level of aspiration may be permanently deadened or lowered. That is to say, the less pre-potent goals may simply be lost, and may disappear forever, so that the person who has experienced life at a very low level, i. e., chronic unemployment, may continue to be satisfied for the rest of his life if only he can get enough food.
（3）某些人的抱负的层次可能被永久扼杀或降低。也就是说，预烈性目标可能会丢失，也可能永远消失，因此使其经历在一个非常低的水平生活，例如长期失业，如果他能得到足够的食物的话也许能对余生余生感到满意。
(4) The so-called 'psychopathic personality' is another example of permanent loss of the love needs. These are people who, according to the best data available (9), have been starved for love in the earliest months of their lives and have simply lost forever the desire and the ability to give and to receive affection (as animals lose sucking or pecking reflexes that are not exercised soon enough after birth).[p. 387]
（4）这就是我们所讲的“人格障碍”，这是一种极度缺爱的表现。根据权威数据表明，这些人在童年里曾经非常渴望得到爱，但现在他们却极有可能永远失去这种想要得到爱的渴望，并且失去了给予他人爱和接受爱的能力。（@痕迹竹子舞）
(5) Another cause of reversal of the hierarchy is that when a need has been satisfied for a long time, this need may be underevaluated. People who have never experienced chronic hunger are apt to underestimate its effects and to look upon food as a rather unimportant thing. If they are dominated by a higher need, this higher need will seem to be the most important of all. It then becomes possible, and indeed does actually happen, that they may, for the sake of this higher need, put themselves into the position of being deprived in a more basic need. We may expect that after a long-time deprivation of the more basic need there will be a tendency to reevaluate both needs so that the more pre-potent need will actually become consciously prepotent for the individual who may have given it up very lightly. Thus, a man who has given up his job rather than lose his self-respect, and who then starves for six months or so, may be willing to take his job back even at the price of losing his a self-respect.
（5）层次逆转的另一种原因，是当一种需求长期得到满足，那么这种需求的价值可能就会被看低。那些从未经历过长时间饥饿的人，会倾向于低估生理需求（对食物的需求）的影响，而且把食物视为一种相当不重要的东西。如果他们（正好）又受更高需求的支配，这个更高的需求则可能会被视作最重要的需求。而一旦这个更高需求得以满足是具有可能性的，并且最后确实得到了满足，那么，他们也许会为了这个更高需求，而将他们自己置于一个丧失更基本的需求（比如对食物的需求）的位置。当然，我们也许也可以期待，当长期失去更基本的需求之后，曾经轻易放弃更基本需求的人，会有重新估价两种需求的趋势，那样，更优先的需求将真正被这个人意识到。因此，有人为了保留自尊而放弃工作，而当他经历六个月左右的饥饿之后，将会想要拿回工作，即使这样是以失去自尊为代价的。@周星星
(6) Another partial explanation of apparent reversals is seen in the fact that we have been talking about the hierarchy of prepotency in terms of consciously felt wants or desires rather than of behavior. Looking at behavior itself may give us the wrong impression. What we have claimed is that the person will want the more basic of two needs when deprived in both. There is no necessary implication here that he will act upon his desires. Let us say again that there are many determinants of behavior other than the needs and desires.
（6）另一种解释截然不同，可以看到这样一个事实，我们一直在有意识的讨论欲望和需求的层次逆而不是讨论行为。我们看到，行为本身有可能给我们一种错误的印象。我们常常认为，当在有需求不足和力不从心的时候，一个人宁可要满足更多的生理需求。 这里并没有明显指出一个人要按照他的欲望行动。让我们一起来讨论一下决定行为的因素，这远比人类的需求和欲望还多的多。（@痕迹竹子舞）
(7) Perhaps more important than all these exceptions are the ones that involve ideals, high social standards, high values and the like. With such values people become martyrs; they give up everything for the sake of a particular ideal, or value. These people may be understood, at least in part, by reference to one basic concept (or hypothesis) which may be called 'increased frustration-tolerance through early gratification'. People who have been satisfied in their basic needs throughout their lives, particularly in their earlier years, seem to develop exceptional power to withstand present or future thwarting of these needs simply because they have strong,[p. 388] healthy character structure as a result of basic satisfaction. They are the 'strong' people who can easily weather disagreement or opposition, who can swim against the stream of public opinion and who can stand up for the truth at great personal cost. It is just the ones who have loved and been well loved, and who have had many deep friendships who can hold out against hatred, rejection or persecution.
（7）或许比上述所有例外更重要的是那些关乎到理想、社会准则、价值观的情况。正是这些因素让有些人甘愿成为烈士；他们放弃了一切，只为了实现某个理想或者贯彻某种价值观。有一个基础概念（或者说是假设）可以在一定程度上解释这些人的行为——那就是人生早期或得的满足可以提高人们对于挫折的高容忍度。那些一直可以在人生中满足基本需求的人们（特别是在人生早期的时候）似乎会培养出一种特别强大的抗压能力，去应对当下或者未来基本需求可能不能被满足的威胁。这是因为他们在之前基本需求被满足的过程中，养成了健康、强大的个性结构。只有这些“强大”的人才能够较容易地经受住分歧和敌对带来的考验，才能够顶着社会舆论的压力逆流而上，才能够为了维护真理牺牲个人。只有那些真正爱过他人，并被他人真正爱过的人们，那些拥有深厚友谊的人们，才能够抵抗住仇恨、排挤、迫害。
I say all this in spite of the fact that there is a certain amount of sheer habituation which is also involved in any full discussion of frustration tolerance. For instance, it is likely that those persons who have been accustomed to relative starvation for a long time, are partially enabled thereby to withstand food deprivation. What sort of balance must be made between these two tendencies, of habituation on the one hand, and of past satisfaction breeding present frustration tolerance on the other hand, remains to be worked out by further research. Meanwhile we may assume that they are both operative, side by side, since they do not contradict each other, In respect to this phenomenon of increased frustration tolerance, it seems probable that the most important gratifications come in the first two years of life. That is to say, people who have been made secure and strong in the earliest years, tend to remain secure and strong thereafter in the face of whatever threatens.
尽管如此，我们也要考虑到习惯性的驯化也可能提升人们对于挫折的容忍程度。比如说，那些长期习惯了忍受饥饿之苦的人们可能会因此而更能够忍受饥荒。我们需要更多的研究才能够了解这两种现象——一边是习惯性的驯化，另一边是过去的满足所带来的对于当下挫折容忍度的替身。但与此同时，我们有理由假设这两者是同样有效的，因为它们并不互相矛盾。另外，最具有影响力的满足似乎来自人生的最初两年。也就是说，那些在人生最早的几年里被培养得很强大很有安全感的人们倾向于在之后的岁月里保持这种强大和安全感——无论遇到怎样的挫折和威胁。
（译者：#觉得马斯洛君废话有一些多# 车轱辘话！）
Degree of relative satisfaction. -- So far, our theoretical discussion may have given the impression that these five sets of needs are somehow in a step-wise, all-or-none relationships to each other. We have spoken in such terms as the following: "If one need is satisfied, then another emerges." This statement might give the false impression that a need must be satisfied 100 per cent before the next need emerges. In actual fact, most members of our society who are normal, are partially satisfied in all their basic needs and partially unsatisfied in all their basic needs at the same time. A more realistic description of the hierarchy would be in terms of decreasing percentages of satisfaction as we go up the hierarchy of prepotency, For instance, if I may assign arbitrary figures for the sake of illustration, it is as if the average citizen [p. 389] is satisfied perhaps 85 per cent in his physiological needs, 70 per cent in his safety needs, 50 per cent in his love needs, 40 per cent in his self-esteem needs, and 10 per cent in his self-actualization needs.
需求满足的相对性 --目前为止，我们的理论讨论可能给人这样的一种印象：即这五种需求互相之间是步骤性的，要么完全有，要么完全没有的。我们曾用这样的语言来描述这种关系："当一个需求被满足时，更高一层的需求就会出现。”这种描述可能给人一种错误的印象，即一个需求必须要100%被满足以后，人们才会产生更高一层的需求。但事实上，这个世界上的大部分正常人类在这五条需求的上都是每一条都有一些满足，又每一条都有一些未得到满足。针对这个需求阶层的更加准确的描述或许应该是这样的——需求被满足的百分比会随着从低层需求到高层需求而降低。举个栗子！差不多的情况就是，一个人在生理需求上获得了85%的满足，在安全需求上获得了70%的满足，爱与被爱的需求上获得了50%的满足，自我尊重的需求上获得了40%的满足，自我实现的需求上获得了10%的满足。
As for the concept of emergence of a new need after satisfaction of the prepotent need, this emergence is not a sudden, saltatory phenomenon but rather a gradual emergence by slow degrees from nothingness. For instance, if prepotent need A is satisfied only 10 per cent: then need B may not be visible at all. However, as this need A becomes satisfied 25 per cent, need B may emerge 5 per cent, as need A becomes satisfied 75 per cent need B may emerge go per cent, and so on.
需求的产生也并非是瞬间的，而是一个渐进式的、从零开始一点点出现的过程。举个栗子！如果需求A只被满足了10%，那么我们可能就完全看不到更高一层的需求B。但是，如果需求A的满足程度提升到了25%，需求B就可能显露出来5%。而当需求A被满足了75%的时候，我们就会产生更多对于需求B的渴求。
Unconscious character of needs. -- These needs are neither necessarily conscious nor unconscious. On the whole, however, in the average person, they are more often unconscious rather than conscious. It is not necessary at this point to overhaul the tremendous mass of evidence which indicates the crucial importance of unconscious motivation. It would by now be expected, on a priori grounds alone, that unconscious motivations would on the whole be rather more important than the conscious motivations. What we have called the basic needs are very often largely unconscious although they may, with suitable techniques, and with sophisticated people become conscious.
需求的无意识性 -- 这些需求既非完全有意识的也并非完全无意识的。但是总体上来说，对于一个正常人，这些需求往往是无意识躲过有意识。我们没有必要去否认有大量的证据说明无意识的需求驱动的重要性。基于先验的基础，我们可以预期无意识的需求驱动在整体上比有意识的需求驱动更重要。我们所说的“基本需求”通常都是无意识地在驱动我们，尽管我们可以通过一些技巧使得一部分人意识到它们的存在。
Cultural specificity and generality of needs. -- This classification of basic needs makes some attempt to take account of the relative unity behind the superficial differences in specific desires from one culture to another. Certainly in any particular culture an individual's conscious motivational content will usually be extremely different from the conscious motivational content of an individual in another society. However, it is the common experience of anthropologists that people, even in different societies, are much more alike than we would think from our first contact with them, and that as we know them better we seem to find more and more of this commonness, We then recognize the most startling differences to be superficial rather than basic, e. g., differences in style of hair-dress, clothes, tastes in food, etc. Our classification of basic [p. 390] needs is in part an attempt to account for this unity behind the apparent diversity from culture to culture. No claim is made that it is ultimate or universal for all cultures. The claim is made only that it is relatively more ultimate, more universal, more basic, than the superficial conscious desires from culture to culture, and makes a somewhat closer approach to common-human characteristics, Basic needs are more common-human than superficial desires or behaviors.
需求在不同文化中的差异性和普适性 --我们所使用的这种对于需求的分类方法一定程度上试图去解释在不同文化的背后，需求的相对统一。毫无疑问，在任何一种文化中，一个个体的有意识驱动因素通常会和另一种文化中个体的有意识驱动因素有极大的不同。但是，人类学家通常遇到的情况是，来自不同文化社会的人们往往比预期中有更多的相同之处。这种共同性从第一次接触开始就存在，并且随着我们深入地了解，我们会发现越来越多的共同性。于是我们意识到那些最让人觉得吃惊的文化差异往往都是表像的而非基础的。我们对于基础需求的分类一定程度上是为了解释这种表象文化差异背后的统一性。我们并不是说这种分析对于不同的文化具有终极的、万能的普适性。我们只是说这种分析相对于不同文化间存在的表象的、有意识的欲望差异来说，相对来说更加终极、更加万能、更加基础，并且更加接近于对于人类性格的本质分析。基本需求相对于表层欲望或行为更加具有对于全人类的普适性。
Multiple motivations of behavior. -- These needs must be understood not to be exclusive or single determiners of certain kinds of behavior. An example may be found in any behavior that seems to be physiologically motivated, such as eating, or sexual play or the like. The clinical psychologists have long since found that any behavior may be a channel through which flow various determinants. Or to say it in another way, most behavior is multi-motivated. Within the sphere of motivational determinants any behavior tends to be determined by several or all of the basic needs simultaneously rather than by only one of them. The latter would be more an exception than the former. Eating may be partially for the sake of filling the stomach, and partially for the sake of comfort and amelioration of other needs. One may make love not only for pure sexual release, but also to convince one's self of one's masculinity, or to make a conquest, to feel powerful, or to win more basic affection. As an illustration, I may point out that it would be possible (theoretically if not practically) to analyze a single act of an individual and see in it the expression of his physiological needs, his safety needs, his love needs, his esteem needs and self-actualization. This contrasts sharply with the more naive brand of trait psychology in which one trait or one motive accounts for a certain kind of act, i. e., an aggressive act is traced solely to a trait of aggressiveness.
行为的多重动机 --我们必须理解这些需求并不是互相排斥的，任何单一需求也并不是任何行为的唯一决定因素。我们可以从任何看似由生理需求驱动的行为中找到例子，例如进食、或者性爱等等。临床心理学家很早就发现，任何一种单一行为都可能是多种决定因素的集中表现方式。换句话说，大部分的行为都是由多重需求驱动的。任何行为都往往是由多个或者所有的基本需求驱动的，而并非只是其中的任意一个。后者这样的情况（单一需求驱动）相比而言是一种少数情况。进食可能一部分是为了填饱肚子，一部分是为了满足和改善其它的需求。一个人之所以做爱，可能不仅仅是为了释放性欲，而是同时需要证明自己的男子气概，或者获得征服感，或者赢得他人的喜爱。理论上（如果无法实际操作的话），我们可以分析一个个体的某个单一行为，并在其中观察生理需求、安全需求、爱的需求、尊重的需求和自我实现的需求的显现。这个概念和有些天真的特质心理学形成了鲜明的对比，因为特质心理学认为是一种单一特质或者一种单一动机造成了一种特定的行为。例如，一个带有侵略性的举动应该完全被追溯到一种侵略性的特质。
Multiple determinants of behavior. -- Not all behavior is determined by the basic needs. We might even say that not all behavior is motivated. There are many determinants of behavior other than motives.[9] For instance, one other im-[p. 391]portant class of determinants is the so-called 'field' determinants. Theoretically, at least, behavior may be determined completely by the field, or even by specific isolated external stimuli, as in association of ideas, or certain conditioned reflexes. If in response to the stimulus word 'table' I immediately perceive a memory image of a table, this response certainly has nothing to do with my basic needs.
行为的多重决定因素 -- 并不是所有的行为都是由基础需求驱动的。我们甚至可以说，并不是所有的行为都有背后的驱动所在。除了驱动以外，一个行为还有很多其它的决定因素。比如说，另外一种非常重要的决定因素就是所谓的“域”。至少理论上来说，一个行为可能是完全由“域”决定的，或者甚至是完全由独立的外在刺激因素（例如思想关联）或者某种条件反射。
比如说，如果我听到了一个单词“桌子”（外在刺激物）并在脑中立即刻画出了浮现出了一张桌子的记忆图像，那么这种反应和我的基本需求完全没有关系。
Secondly, we may call attention again to the concept of 'degree of closeness to the basic needs' or 'degree of motivation.' Some behavior is highly motivated, other behavior is only weakly motivated. Some is not motivated at all (but all behavior is determined).
第二，我们再次来关注这样一个概念：“渴望满足生理需求度”或者“动机程度”。有些行为有高度的目的性（存在背后的驱动），有些行为只有一点点的目的性。有些完全没有目的性（但所有的行为都是有背后的决定因素的）。（@痕迹竹子舞）
Another important point [10] is that there is a basic difference between expressive behavior and coping behavior (functional striving, purposive goal seeking). An expressive behavior does not try to do anything; it is simply a reflection of the personality. A stupid man behaves stupidly, not because he wants to, or tries to, or is motivated to, but simply because he is what he is. The same is true when I speak in a bass voice rather than tenor or soprano. The random movements of a healthy child, the smile on the face of a happy man even when he is alone, the springiness of the healthy man's walk, and the erectness of his carriage are other examples of expressive, non-functional behavior. Also the style in which a man carries out almost all his behavior, motivated as well as unmotivated, is often expressive.
另外一个要点是表现性的行为和应对性行为（具有功能性的努力行为，具有立意地追寻目标的行为 ）是有本质上的区别的。一个表现性的行为并不是主动地想要做什么。它只是一个人的个性的反应。一个傻子表现得很傻，并不是因为他想，或者他努力地这样做，或者受到任何驱动去这样做，只是因为他是他。同样的，我用一个低沉的声音说话而不是一个中音或者高音，也是一样的道理。一个健康孩子的随机举动，一个开心的人脸上浮现出的笑容，一个欢乐的人行走时蹦蹦跳跳的状态等等都是表现性、非功能性的行为。此外，一个人做出他几乎所有行为的调调，无论是受到驱动还是不受到驱动的，都是表现性的。
（译者：奶牛君翻得好快。。。。#Muuuu#奶牛君速度太威猛了）
We may then ask, is all behavior expressive or reflective of the character structure? The answer is 'No.' Rote, habitual, automatized, or conventional behavior may or may not be expressive. The same is true for most 'stimulus-bound' behaviors. It is finally necessary to stress that expressiveness of behavior, and goal-directedness of behavior are not mutually exclusive categories. Average behavior is usually both.
我们可能会问，那么是不是所有的行为都是一个人性格解构的表现或者反应呢？答案是：“不是”。死记硬背的行为，习惯性的行为，自动化的行为，或带有传统影响的行为都是或者不是表现性的。由刺激生成的行为也同样如此。最后需要强调的是，行为中的表现性和目的性并不是相互排斥的。一般的行为通常是两者兼而有之。
Goals as centering principle in motivation theory. -- It will be observed that the basic principle in our classification has [p. 392] been neither the instigation nor the motivated behavior but rather the functions, effects, purposes, or goals of the behavior. It has been proven sufficiently by various people that this is the most suitable point for centering in any motivation theory.[11]
"目标"是动机理论的中心原则 - 我们可以观察到，我们的分类中的基本原则既不是驱动的怂恿，也不是具有受驱动的行为本身，而是行为的功能、效果、目的或目标。许多不同的人已经充分证明，在任何动机理论中，这是最合适作为中心的点。【11】
Animal- and human-centering. -- This theory starts with the human being rather than any lower and presumably 'simpler' animal. Too many of the findings that have been made in animals have been proven to be true for animals but not for the human being. There is no reason whatsoever why we should start with animals in order to study human motivation. The logic or rather illogic behind this general fallacy of 'pseudo-simplicity' has been exposed often enough by philosophers and logicians as well as by scientists in each of the various fields. It is no more necessary to study animals before one can study man than it is to study mathematics before one can study geology or psychology or biology.
以动物和人类为中心－这一理论以人类为始而非其他低等或大概“简单些”的动物。动物中有太多发现仅适用于动物而无法适用于人类。从动物而非人类来研究人类动机始毫无理由的。普遍的“伪简单”谬误背后的逻辑或非合逻辑已被哲学家和逻辑学者和其他各领域科学家揭露够了。就好像并不是一定要研究好了数学才能研究地质学、心理学或生物学一样，在研究人类之前研究动物也一样没什么必要。
We may also reject the old, naive, behaviorism which assumed that it was somehow necessary, or at least more 'scientific' to judge human beings by animal standards. One consequence of this belief was that the whole notion of purpose and goal was excluded from motivational psychology simply because one could not ask a white rat about his purposes. Tolman (18) has long since proven in animal studies themselves that this exclusion was not necessary.
我们也需要拒绝老套又幼稚的行为主义，这种行为主义认为研究动物还是有一定必要的，或至少能更“科学”地用动物的标准衡量人类。这种想法的后果之一，就是动机心理学必须把目的和目标这两种因素完全剔除在动机心理学的研究以外，就因为我们不可能去询问小白鼠的目的和目标。在动物研究中，Tolman就早已证明这种剔除并不必要。
Motivation and the theory of psychopathogenesis. -- The conscious motivational content of everyday life has, according to the foregoing, been conceived to be relatively important or unimportant accordingly as it is more or less closely related to the basic goals. A desire for an ice cream cone might actually be an indirect expression of a desire for love. If it is, then this desire for the ice cream cone becomes extremely important motivation. If however the ice cream is simply something to cool the mouth with, or a casual appetitive reaction, then the desire is relatively unimportant. Everyday conscious desires are to be regarded as symptoms, as [p. 393] surface indicators of more basic needs. If we were to take these superficial desires at their face value me would find ourselves in a state of complete confusion which could never be resolved, since we would be dealing seriously with symptoms rather than with what lay behind the symptoms.
（译者：奶牛太牛X了……翻得好多！）
动机和病态心理起源理论 -- 如前面所述，我们每天生活中的那些有意识的需求驱动的重要性，会根据它与基本目标的相关性而上升。比如说，想吃一个冰激凌的渴望可能是对爱的渴望的一种表现。如果是这样的话，那么这种对冰激凌的渴望就成为了一种极为重要的需求驱动。但是，如果这个冰激凌仅仅是一种吃起来很酷的东西，或者一种随性的吃货反应，那么这种渴望就相对来说不那么重要。每天生活中的那些有意识的渴望可以被看做是”症状“，或者说是更基本的需求的表层反应。如果我们在分析这些表层渴望时也只停留在表面，那么我们就很容易陷入到一堆无法解决的困惑中，因为我们是在尝试着治标而非治本。
Thwarting of unimportant desires produces no psychopathological results; thwarting of a basically important need does produce such results. Any theory of psychopathogenesis must then be based on a sound theory of motivation. A conflict or a frustration is not necessarily pathogenic. It becomes so only when it threatens or thwarts the basic needs, or partial needs that are closely related to the basic needs (10).
对不重要欲望的阻遏不会产生精神病理性后果；一种基本而重要的需求受到阻遏才会导致这一类后果。任何关于精神病理学的理论必须建立在明确的动机理论之上。一次争执或者挫败不一定导致发病。只有在它威胁或阻遏了基本需求或者与基本需求相关的部分需求时，才会是致病源。（@寒璿）
The role of gratified needs. -- It has been pointed out above several times that our needs usually emerge only when more prepotent needs have been gratified. Thus gratification has an important role in motivation theory. Apart from this, however, needs cease to play an active determining or organizing role as soon as they are gratified.
满足感需求的作用。——上文中已多次指出，我们的需求只有在更优先的需求已满足的情况下才会出现。所以，满足感在动机理论中起重要作用。但它们的作用也仅限于此，需求一旦得到满足就失去了决定或组织作用。
What this means is that, e. g., a basically satisfied person no longer has the needs for esteem, love, safety, etc. The only sense in which he might be said to have them is in the almost metaphysical sense that a sated man has hunger, or a filled bottle has emptiness. If we are interested in what actually motivates us, and not in what has, will, or might motivate us, then a satisfied need is not a motivator. It must be considered for all practical purposes simply not to exist, to have disappeared. This point should be emphasized because it has been either overlooked or contradicted in every theory of motivation I know.[12] The perfectly healthy, normal, fortunate man has no sex needs or hunger needs, or needs for safety, or for love, or for prestige, or self-esteem, except in stray moments of quickly passing threat. If we were to say otherwise, we should also have to aver that every man had all the pathological reflexes, e. g., Babinski, etc., because if his nervous system were damaged, these would appear.
举例来说，这就意味着一个基础需求都被满足了的人不会有自尊、爱、安全感等需求。声称他拥有这些需求的唯一意义仅仅存在于形而上学的抽象层面——就好像说一个吃饱的人是饥饿的，或者一个被填满的瓶子是空的。如果我们想知道什么才能真正让我们有动力，而不是什么曾经让我们有动力、什么将让我们有动力、或者什么可能让我们有动力，那么一个已得到满足的需求就不是驱动力。从任何实际的角度，我们都必须理解为这个驱动力已经消失，完全不复存在。之所以强调这一点，是因为它在我所知道的所有动机理论都忽视了它或者存在与之相矛盾的观点。除了在面临到威胁的那些转瞬即逝的瞬间以外，一个完全健康、正常、幸运的人是没有任何性需求、对食物的需求、对安全的需求、对爱的需求、对地位的需求、或者自我尊重的需求的。从另一个角度说，我们必须申明每一个人都拥有所有的病理反射（例如巴宾斯基征），因为如果一个人的神经系统是受损的，这些条件反射就会反应出来。
It is such considerations as these that suggest the bold [p. 394] postulation that a man who is thwarted in any of his basic needs may fairly be envisaged simply as a sick man. This is a fair parallel to our designation as 'sick' of the man who lacks vitamins or minerals. Who is to say that a lack of love is less important than a lack of vitamins? Since we know the pathogenic effects of love starvation, who is to say that we are invoking value-questions in an unscientific or illegitimate way, any more than the physician does who diagnoses and treats pellagra or scurvy? If I were permitted this usage, I should then say simply that a healthy man is primarily motivated by his needs to develop and actualize his fullest potentialities and capacities. If a man has any other basic needs in any active, chronic sense, then he is simply an unhealthy man. He is as surely sick as if he had suddenly developed a strong salt-hunger or calcium hunger.[13]
这是出于这样的思考，我们才可以大胆地假设——当一个人的基本需求受到阻挠时，这个人就可以被看做是一个病人。这和我们说一个缺乏维他命或者矿物质的人是一个病人其实是一样的道理。因为谁敢说缺少爱没有缺少维他命的问题来得严重？因为在我们知道了缺爱会造成的病态生理反应以后，谁敢说我们在讨论缺爱的问题时，是在用一种不科学或者不够严谨地方式讨论一个价值观问题，而不是和治疗糙皮病或坏血病的医生一样在诊断和治疗疾病呢？如果这样说成立的话，那么我可以说一个"健康"的人最主要的驱动力就来自于他对于开发和实现自己最大潜能的需求。如果一个人长期拥有任何其它的基本需求，那么这个人就是不健康的。这样的一个人与一个突然之间觉得自己缺盐或者缺钙的人一样，是有病的。【13】
If this statement seems unusual or paradoxical the reader may be assured that this is only one among many such paradoxes that will appear as we revise our ways of looking at man's deeper motivations. When we ask what man wants of life, we deal with his very essence.
如果这份陈述看似不太寻常抑或自相矛盾，读者可能会认为这只是我们在修正看待人类深层动机时出现的诸多悖论中的一个。当我们自问希望生活给予我们什么，我们实质上正探寻生活的本质。
IV. SUMMARY
IV. 总结
(1) There are at least five sets of goals, which we may call basic needs. These are briefly physiological, safety, love, 'esteem, and self-actualization. In addition, we are motivated by the desire to achieve or maintain the various conditions upon which these basic satisfactions rest and by certain more intellectual desires.
(1)至少有五类目标，也就是我们说的基础需求。他们是瞬时生理需求，安全感，爱，尊重和实现自我需求。不仅这些，我们还受到获取或维持满足这些基础需求的各种条件以及更多的知识的欲望的驱动。
(2) These basic goals are related to each other, being arranged in a hierarchy of prepotency. This means that the most prepotent goal will monopolize consciousness and will tend of itself to organize the recruitment of the various capacities of the organism. The less prepotent needs are [p. 395] minimized, even forgotten or denied. But when a need is fairly well satisfied, the next prepotent ('higher') need emerges, in turn to dominate the conscious life and to serve as the center of organization of behavior, since gratified needs are not active motivators.
这些基本目标都涉及到对方，被安排在一个层次的优生优育。这意味着，该最优生的目标将会垄断意识，往往组织招纳各种能力有机体。优生需求[P。 395]最小化，甚至被遗忘或被拒绝。但是，当需要得到相当满足时，接下来的优生（'更高'）需要的涌现，称心的需求处于非活动状态的动机，反过来有意识地主导生活，作为组织行为的中心服务。
Thus man is a perpetually wanting animal. Ordinarily the satisfaction of these wants is not altogether mutually exclusive, but only tends to be. The average member of our society is most often partially satisfied and partially unsatisfied in all of his wants. The hierarchy principle is usually empirically observed in terms of increasing percentages of non-satisfaction as we go up the hierarchy. Reversals of the average order of the hierarchy are sometimes observed. Also it has been observed that an individual may permanently lose the higher wants in the hierarchy under special conditions. There are not only ordinarily multiple motivations for usual behavior, but in addition many determinants other than motives.
因此人永远是有欲望欲望的动物。通常情况下这些让人感到满意的欲望并不完全是互相排斥的，却倾向于是。我们社会的一般成员大部分对自己需求部分满意和部分不满意。分层结构原则通常是通过实验性观察得出我们调查的某个层次增长的非满足感的百分比。相反的分层结构结构平均数据有时也会出现出现。此外已经观察到，在特殊条件下显示个别可能会永久地丧失层次结构中本更高的欲望。不仅有一般的多重动机普通行为，除此之外还有比动机多了许多其他决定因素。
(3) Any thwarting or possibility of thwarting of these basic human goals, or danger to the defenses which protect them, or to the conditions upon which they rest, is considered to be a psychological threat. With a few exceptions, all psychopathology may be partially traced to such threats. A basically thwarted man may actually be defined as a 'sick' man, if we wish.
（3）任何阻挠或挫败这些基本人权目标的可能性，或因保护他们的的辩护而有危险，或如此情况下就停手被认为是心理威胁。除了少数例外，所有的精神病理学可以部分追溯到这种威胁。如果我们愿意，基本上挫败的人可能实际上被定义为'生病'的人。
(4) It is such basic threats which bring about the general emergency reactions.
（4）最根本的威胁会带来常见的危机反应。
(5) Certain other basic problems have not been dealt with because of limitations of space. Among these are (a) the problem of values in any definitive motivation theory, (b) the relation between appetites, desires, needs and what is 'good' for the organism, (c) the etiology of the basic needs and their possible derivation in early childhood, (d) redefinition of motivational concepts, i. e., drive, desire, wish, need, goal, (e) implication of our theory for hedonistic theory, (f) the nature of the uncompleted act, of success and failure, and of aspiration-level, (g) the role of association, habit and conditioning, (h) relation to the [p. 396] theory of inter-personal relations, (i) implications for psychotherapy, (j) implication for theory of society, (k) the theory of selfishness, (l) the relation between needs and cultural patterns, (m) the relation between this theory and Alport's theory of functional autonomy. These as well as certain other less important questions must be considered as motivation theory attempts to become definitive.
(5) 其他一些基本问题因为篇幅的关系尚未在本文中讨论。这些问题中包括（a）定义动机理论中的价值观的问题，(b) 食欲、欲望、需求和对生命体有”好处“的事物间的关系，（c）早期童年中，基本需求和他们可能的衍生的因果关系，（d）对动机概念的从新定义，即动机、欲望、希望、需求、目标，（e）我们理论对欲望理论（hedonistic theory) 的影响，（f）未完成行为，成功和失败，以及理想层级的本质，（g）相关、习惯、和条件反应的角色，（h）与人际关系理论【396页】的关系，（i）对信息治疗的意味着什么，（j）对社会学理论意味着什么，（k）自私理论，（l）需求和文化规律的关系，（m）本理论和 Alport 的独立理论 (theory of functional automomy) 的关系。这些，以及其他一些次要的问题必须也被考虑，动机理论才完整。
Notes
附注
[1] As the child grows up, sheer knowledge and familiarity as well as better motor development make these 'dangers' less and less dangerous and more and more manageable. Throughout life it may be said that one of the main conative functions of education is this neutralizing of apparent dangers through knowledge, e. g., I am not afraid of thunder because I know something about it.
[1]随着孩子的成长，知识和密友都会是更好的动力，他们会使威胁越来越弱，也会让孩子越来越能控制威胁。纵观生活，可以认为，教育的一个主要意动功能就是通过知识来平衡显而易见的危险。例如，因为对雷鸣的自然现象有了了解，便不会害怕它了。@周星星
[2] A 'test battery' for safety might be confronting the child with a small exploding firecracker, or with a bewhiskered face; having the mother leave the room, putting him upon a high ladder, a hypodermic injection, having a mouse crawl up to him, etc. Of course I cannot seriously recommend the deliberate use of such 'tests' for they might very well harm the child being tested. But these and similar situations come up by the score in the child's ordinary day-to-day living and may be observed. There is no reason why those stimuli should not be used with, far example, young chimpanzees.
[2]将成套的安全检测去检测那些带着小鞭炮或是长着胡须脸庞的小孩（性早熟？），又或是妈妈离开房间而又被放至高处准备打针，怯懦爬上脑袋的小孩，诸如此类都是安全的。当然，我并不完全赞同故意对孩子们使用这些测试对他们也许是很有害的这样的说法。但是，（如果）这样的或类似的情形在孩子的日常生活中大量发生，也许就应当注意了。也不知道为什么，这样的刺激对有些动物并没有用，像年幼的黑猩猩。@周星星
[3] Not all neurotic individuals feel unsafe. Neurosis may have at its core a thwarting of the affection and esteem needs in a person who is generally safe.
[3]不是所有的神经病患者都感到不安全。神经症的核心，也许会阻碍对于一个基本上安全的人的感觉和对各种需求的评估。@周星星
[4] For further details see (12) and (16, Chap. 5).
[4]更多的细节，请参看（12）和（第五章，16）
(译者：呱唧呱唧）
[5] Whether or not this particular desire is universal we do not know. The crucial question, especially important today, is "Will men who are enslaved and dominated inevitably feel dissatisfied and rebellious?" We may assume on the basis of commonly known clinical data that a man who has known true freedom (not paid for by giving up safety and security but rather built on the basis of adequate safety and security) will not willingly or easily allow his freedom to be taken away from him. But we do not know that this is true for the person born into slavery. The events of the next decade should give us our answer. See discussion of this problem in (5).
[5]我们并不知道这种特定的需求是否是普遍的。重要的是，特别是现在重要的是，必然受奴役和受控制的人会不会感到不满，会不会反抗？我们在为人熟知的临床数据基础上做假设：假如一个大家都知道的自由人（他不会为他的自由付出安全保障上的代价，而是建立在基本的安全保障上的）将不愿意或是不轻易允许自由被拿走。但我们也并不知道，人生而为奴（不是指历史上的奴隶）这样的看法，是不是真理。接下来的十年会给今天的我们答案（经历了才知道？）。这个问题的讨论，见（5）。@周星星
[6] Perhaps the desire for prestige and respect from others is subsidiary to the desire for self-esteem or confidence in oneself. Observation of children seems to indicate that this is so, but clinical data give no clear support for such a conclusion.
[6]也许，想得到威望、为他人所尊重的渴望，只是对自尊、自信的需求的附属。对儿童的观察可以表明这一点，但是临床数据并没有给出对这一结论的明确支撑。@周星星
[7] For more extensive discussion of normal self-esteem, as well as for reports of various researches, see (11).
[7]对通常的自尊的广泛的讨论和多种调查报告，请看（11）@周星星
[8] Clearly creative behavior, like painting, is like any other behavior in having multiple, determinants. It may be seen in 'innately creative' people whether they are satisfied or not, happy or unhappy, hungry or sated. Also it is clear that creative activity may be compensatory, ameliorative or purely economic. It is my impression (as yet unconfirmed) that it is possible to distinguish the artistic and intellectual products of basically satisfied people from those of basically unsatisfied people by inspection alone. In any case, here too we must distinguish, in a dynamic fashion, the overt behavior itself from its various motivations or purposes.
[8]毫无疑问，创造性的活动，比如绘画，也像其他的行为活性一样，其实是包含着多重决定因素的。同样，对于那些被视为天才的人，无论他们满足与否，快乐与否，饥饿还是饱腹，其实也是如此。当然，创作活动可以是补充生活、改善生活的活动，同样也可以是纯粹出于经济原因的行为。在我的印象中（不太确定是不是我的记忆，也可能是从别人那儿听到的？），想要将那些基本能使人感到满足的艺术或精神的产物，和那些基本不能使人感到满足的产物，单独区分，其实是不可能的。无论如何，在一个动态形式中，有太多我们必须区分的东西，而每一个表现（看似）明显的行为本身，其实也是出于多种动机和目的的。@周星星
[9] I am aware that many psychologists md psychoanalysts use the term 'motivated' and 'determined' synonymously, e. g., Freud. But I consider this an obfuscating usage. Sharp distinctions are necessary for clarity of thought, and precision in experimentation.
我发现许多的心理学家和精神分析学家，用到将术语“动机的（有做的动机？）”和“决定的（已经决定做？）”列为同义词，像Freud就是如此。但我认为这是一种模糊的用法。清晰的思维、精确的实验对使区别精锐化是必须的。@周星星
[10] To be discussed fully in a subsequent publication.
[10] 在后续的一篇出版物中将会（更）充分的讨论。
[11] The interested reader is referred to the very excellent discussion of this point in Murray's Explorations in Personality (15).
[11]有兴趣的读者可以参看Murray的《人性探索》，里面有对这个问题的非常棒（非常卓越？）的讨论。
[12] Note that acceptance of this theory necessitates basic revision of the Freudian theory.
[12]注意：为了能更好地接受此理论，最好先把弗洛伊德理论复习个大概。
[13] If we were to use the word 'sick' in this way, we should then also have to face squarely the relations of man to his society. One clear implication of our definition would be that (1) since a man is to be called sick who is basically thwarted, and (2) since such basic thwarting is made possible ultimately only by forces outside the individual, then (3) sickness in the individual must come ultimately from sickness in the society. The 'good' or healthy society would then be defined as one that permitted man's highest purposes to emerge by satisfying all his prepotent basic needs.
[13] 如果我们如此使用”病了“这个词，我们则必须直接面对人和社会的关系。我们定义所带来的一个直接结果是（1）既然一个”病人“本质上是被限制了，并且（2）这种限制是个体之外的力量所导致的，那么（3）个体的疾病必须来自社会的疾病。”好的“或者说健康的社会应该被定义为能够通过满足人的根本需求而允许他的最高级人生使命得以浮现。
 
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